Sociology in Turkey in the context of "Ziya Gökalp"

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⭐ Core Definition: Sociology in Turkey

Sociology in Turkey has gone through several stages of development beginning with proto-sociologies in the 16th and 17th century. In the mid-19th century, sociology was taught within philosophy departments, and it uncritically adopted Western social theories and neglected research. In reaction to the rise of Western liberalism among several intellectuals, the Sultan supported sociology and opened the Dârülfünûn. The resulting division between Western liberalism and Pan-Islamism ultimately resulted in the Young Turk Revolution of 1908.

Following the 1908 revolution, sociological thinkers attempted to discern the foundations of Europeanization so as to graft Western social organization onto Ottoman institutions and Turkish culture. The sociologists of the time were heavily influenced by European, mainly French, sociologists. During and after the events leading to the Turkish War of Independence (1919-1923), the purported father of Turkish sociology, Ziya Gökalp, argued for a break from Ottoman and Western ideologies. Instead he contended that Pan-Turkism was the appropriate basis of the new nation-state, which influenced the Kemalist foundation of modern Turkey. This connection between sociology and the development of the nation-state continues to be a strong theme in contemporary sociological thought in Turkey. Sociology in Turkey was again influenced heavily by the influx of German thinkers during the Second World War and later by American sociology. Today, Turkish sociology is taught as the study of social problems using scientific research methods.

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👉 Sociology in Turkey in the context of Ziya Gökalp

Mehmet Ziya Gökalp (born Mehmed Ziya, 23 March 1876 – 25 October 1924) was a Turkish sociologist, writer, poet, and politician. After the 1908 Young Turk Revolution that reinstated constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, he adopted the pen name Gökalp ("celestial hero"), which he retained for the rest of his life. As a sociologist, Ziya Gökalp was influential in the negation of Islamism, pan-Islamism, and Ottomanism as ideological, cultural, and sociological identifiers. In a 1936 publication, sociologist Niyazi Berkes described Gökalp as "the real founder of Turkish sociology, since he was not a mere translator or interpreter of foreign sociology".

Gökalp's work was particularly influential in shaping the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk; his influence figured prominently in the development of Kemalism, and its legacy in the modern Republic of Turkey. Influenced by contemporary European thought, particularly by the sociological view of Émile Durkheim, Gökalp rejected both the Ottomanism and Islamism in favor of Turkish nationalism. He advocated a Turkification of the Ottoman Empire, by promoting Turkish language and culture to all Ottoman citizenry. He found Greeks, Armenians and Jews to be an undesirable foreign body in the national Turkish state. His thought, which popularized Pan-Turkism and Turanism, has been described as a "cult of nationalism and modernization". His nationalist ideals espoused a de-identification with Ottoman Turkey's nearby Arab neighbors, instead advocating for a super-national Turkish (or pan-Turkic) identity with "a territorial Northeast-orientation [to] Turkic peoples".

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Sociology in Turkey in the context of Young Turks

The Young Turks (Ottoman Turkish: ژون تركلر, romanizedJön Türkler, also كنج تركلر Genç Türkler) formed as a constitutionalist broad opposition-movement in the late Ottoman Empire against the absolutist régime of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876–1909). The most powerful organisation within the movement, and the most conflated, was the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP, founded in 1889), though its ideology, strategies, and membership continuously changed. By the 1890s, the Young Turks were mainly a loose and contentious network of exiled intelligentsia who made a living by selling their newspapers to secret subscribers. Beyond opposition, exiled writers and sociologists debated Turkey's place in the East–West dichotomy.

Included in the opposition movement was a mosaic of ideologies, represented by democrats, liberals, decentralists, secularists, social Darwinists, technocrats, constitutional monarchists, and nationalists. Despite being called "the Young Turks", the group was of an ethnically diverse background; including Turks, Albanian, Aromanian, Arab, Armenian, Azeri, Circassian, Greek, Kurdish, and Jewish members. Besides membership in outlawed political committees, other avenues of opposition existed in the ulama, Sufi lodges, and masonic lodges. By and large, Young Turks favored taking power away from Yıldız Palace in favour of constitutional governance. The movement was popular especially among young, educated Ottomans and military officers that wanted reforms. They believed that a social contract in the form of a constitution would fix the empire's problems with nationalist movements and foreign intervention by instilling Ottomanism, or multi-cultural Ottoman nationalism.

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Sociology in Turkey in the context of Sultanzade Sabahaddin

Sultanzade Mehmed Sabahaddin (13 February 1879 – 30 June 1948) was an Ottoman prince, sociologist, and intellectual. Because of his threat to the ruling House of Osman, of which he was a member, and his political activity and push for democracy in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, he was exiled. He was one of the founders of the short-lived Liberty Party.

Although part of the ruling Ottoman dynasty through his mother, Seniha Sultan, Sabahaddin was known as a Young Turk and was opposed to the absolute rule of Abdul Hamid II. As a follower of Émile Durkheim, Sabahaddin is considered to be one of the founders of sociology in Turkey, influencing thinkers such as Le Play. He established several organizations which advocated for decentralization and privatization: The Private Initiative and Decentralization Committee (Turkish: Teşebbüs-i Şahsi ve Adem-i Merkeziyet Cemiyeti) in 1902, the Liberty Party in 1908, and the Freedom and Accord Party in 1911. All of these organizations were the main opposition to the Committee of Union and Progress. His world views are considered to be the basis of Turkish center-right politics.

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