Technocracy in the context of "Politicisation"

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⭐ Core Definition: Technocracy

A technocracy is a model of governance wherein decision-makers are chosen for office based on their technical expertise and background. A technocracy differs from a traditional democracy in that individuals selected to a leadership role are chosen through a process that emphasizes their relevant skills and proven performance, as opposed to whether or not they fit the majority interests of a popular vote.

This system is sometimes presented as explicitly contrasting with representative democracy, the notion that elected representatives should be the primary decision-makers in government, despite the fact that technocracy does not imply eliminating elected representatives. In a technocracy, decision-makers rely on individuals and institutions possessing specialized knowledge and data-based evidence rather than advisors with political affiliations or loyalty.

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👉 Technocracy in the context of Politicisation

Politicisation (also politicization; see English spelling differences) is a concept in political science and theory used to explain how ideas, entities or collections of facts are given a political tone or character, and are consequently assigned to the ideas and strategies of a particular group or party, thus becoming the subject of contestation. Politicisation has been described as compromising objectivity, and is linked with political polarisation. Conversely, it can have a democratising effect and enhance political choice, and has been shown to improve the responsiveness of supranational institutions such as the European Union. The politicisation of a group is more likely to occur when justifications for political violence are considered acceptable within a society, or in the absence of norms condemning violence.

Depoliticisation, the reverse process, is when issues are no longer the subject of political contestation. It is characterised by governance through consensus-building and pragmatic compromise. It occurs when subjects are left to experts, such as technocratic or bureaucratic institutions, or left to individuals and free markets, through liberalisation or deregulation. It is often connected with multi-level governance. The concept has been used to explain the "democratic gap" between politicians and citizens who lack choice, agency and opportunities for deliberation. In the 21st century, depoliticisation has been linked to disillusionment with neoliberalism. Depoliticisation has negative consequences for regime legitimacy, and produces anti-political sentiment associated with populism, which can result in "repoliticisation" (politicisation following depoliticisation).

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In this Dossier

Technocracy in the context of Lucas Papademos

Lucas Demetrios Papademos (Greek: Λουκάς Παπαδήμος; born 11 October 1947) is a Greek economist and academic who served as Prime Minister of Greece from November 2011 to May 2012, leading a national unity government in the wake of the Greek debt crisis. A technocrat, he previously served as Vice-President of the European Central Bank from 2002 to 2010 and Governor of the Bank of Greece from 1994 to 2002.

He was professor at Columbia University, the University of Athens, and Harvard Kennedy School at Harvard University, and is a senior fellow at the Center for Financial Studies at the University of Frankfurt.

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Technocracy in the context of Berkeley Mafia

The Berkeley Mafia was the term given to a group of University of California-trained economists in Indonesia who were given technocratic positions under the Suharto dictatorship during the late 1960s. They were appointed in the early stages of the New Order administration. Their work focused on promoting free-market capitalism in Indonesia and reversing many of the progressive economic reforms that had been introduced by the Sukarno government. The economic system in place under the New Order regime was termed crony capitalism due to the vast corruption within the country throughout this period. The Berkeley Mafia, like the Suharto dictatorship itself, aligned with the United States during the Cold War.

Sharing significant similarities with the Chicago Boys in Chile (1970s–80s), such as staunch anti-communism, the Berkeley Mafia was not considered to be neoliberal unlike the former.

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Technocracy in the context of Extern minister

In the Irish Free State, an extern minister, formally a Minister who shall not be a Member of the Executive Council, was a minister who had charge of a department but was not a member of the Executive Council. Extern ministers were individually nominated by Dáil Éireann (the lower house), whereas of the Executive Council only the President was: he in turn nominated the other members. All ministers were formally appointed by the Governor-General. The Executive Council included the senior ministers, exercised cabinet collective responsibility, and had to be TDs (members of the Dáil); the extern ministers filled more junior technocratic roles, and need not be legislators, though in fact all were TDs. In practice, all ministers formed a united administration, and no extern ministers were appointed after 1927.

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Technocracy in the context of First Cabinet of Kyriakos Mitsotakis

The First Cabinet of Kyriakos Mitsotakis was sworn in on 9 July 2019, following the Greek legislative election in July 2019. Kyriakos Mitsotakis, leader of New Democracy, was sworn in as Prime Minister of Greece on 8 July.

The government consists of a total of 58 members, including 20 ministers, 5 alternate ministers and 31 deputy ministers. Of these, 35 are elected members of the Hellenic Parliament and 23 are unelected technocrats. Ten members of the government are women.

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Technocracy in the context of Democratic Nationalist Party (Romania)

The Democratic Nationalist Party or Nationalist Democratic Party (Romanian: Partidul Naționalist-Democrat, PND) was a political party in Romania, established by historian Nicolae Iorga (who was also its longest-serving leader) and jurist A. C. Cuza. Its support base was in the lower reaches of the Romanian middle class, and, especially through Cuza's ideology, it reflected the xenophobia, economic antisemitism, and producerism of that particular environment. The PND was a weak challenge to the mainstream political forces, either conservative or liberal, failing in its bid to become Romania's third-strongest party. By 1916, it was effectively split between Iorga's moderates and Cuza's radicals, suspending its activity for the remainder of World War I.

The PND reemerged as a significant force in Greater Romania, after November 1918. It frequently changed names and refined its official stance, becoming closely aligned with Iorga's evolving ideas on society and politics. During the early 1920s, it trailed to the left of the political spectrum, caucusing with the Peasants' Party, and supporting a "Democratic Bloc" coalition against the National Liberals; its far-right faction seceded and became the National-Christian Defense League. Around 1925, the PND itself returned to national conservatism, briefly merging with the Romanian National Party, but resuming independence in 1926, when the latter merged into the National Peasants' Party. It reemerged with an agenda supporting technocracy and corporatism, and was brought to power in 1931, when King Carol II appointed Iorga as Prime Minister.

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Technocracy in the context of Technocratic government (Italy)

In Italy, a technocratic government, technical government (Italian: governo tecnico) or government of technicians (Italian: governo dei tecnici), is the term used to refer to a cabinet made up of experts not officially affiliated to any political party or political coalition. Technocracy in Italy, as elsewhere, has often proved to be controversial. These governments tend to be formed during emergencies, usually an economic crisis, and are seen by some as undemocratic. There have been three such governments in the history of Italy: the Dini Cabinet, the Monti Cabinet and the Draghi Cabinet.

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Technocracy in the context of 13th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party

The 13th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party was held in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing from 25 October to 1 November 1987. It was preceded by the 12th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party and was succeeded by the 14th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. It was attended by 1,936 delegates and 61 'specially invited' delegates representing more than 46 million party members and included 200 foreign journalists who were invited to attend the opening and closing ceremonies. In addition, the Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and the CPPCC National Committee, representatives from the National Federation of industry and commerce, non-party people, ethnic minorities and religious people were invited to this congress as audience.

The congress reaffirmed the correctness of the policy of reforms and the Open Door that was adopted during the Third Plenum of the 11th Congress in December 1978. It also saw the rejuvenation of the party leadership as veterans from the Long March retired and was replaced by younger and better educated technocrats.

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Technocracy in the context of École nationale d'administration

The École nationale d'administration (French pronunciation: [ekɔl nɑsjɔnal dadministʁɑsjɔ̃]; ENA; English: National School of Administration) was a French grande école, created in 1945 by the then provisional chief of government Charles de Gaulle and principal co-author of the 1958 Constitution Michel Debré, to democratize access to the senior civil service. The school was frequently criticized from the 1970s onward for having built an incredibly elitist culture as well as being a stronghold for technocrats. As a result, it was dissolved on 31 December 2021 and replaced by the Institut national du service public (INSP).

The ENA selected and supervised the initial training of senior French officials. It was considered to be one of the most academically demanding French schools, both because of its low acceptance rates and because a large majority of its candidates had already graduated from other elite schools in the country such as Sciences Po or the École Polytechnique. Thus, within French society, the ENA stood as one of the main pathways to high positions in the public and private sectors. Indeed, 4 Presidents of France from the beginning of the 5th Republic in 1958 to the present day (including Emmanuel Macron) and many prime-ministers and ministers, studied at the ENA.

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