Regional hegemony in the context of "Regional power"

⭐ In the context of regional power, regional hegemony is considered…

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⭐ Core Definition: Regional hegemony

In international relations, regional hegemony is the hegemony (political, economic, or military predominance, control or influence) of one independently powerful state, known as the regional hegemon over other neighboring countries. The relationship between regional hegemons and the other states within their spheres of influence is analogous to the relationship between a global hegemon and the other states in the international system.

The prominent international relations scholar John Mearsheimer writes extensively about the pursuit of regional hegemony in his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. According to his theory, known as offensive realism, the anarchic nature of the international system, the desire for survival, and the uncertainty about other states' intentions ultimately lead states to pursue regional hegemony. According to Mearsheimer, global hegemony is an unattainable goal; instead, a state which has achieved the level of regional hegemon will then work to prevent the development of peer competitors in other regions.

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šŸ‘‰ Regional hegemony in the context of Regional power

In international relations, regional power, since the late 20thĀ century, has been used for a sovereign state that exercises significant power within its geographical region. States that wield unrivaled power and influence within a region of the world possess regional hegemony.

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Regional hegemony in the context of Octavian

Augustus (born Gaius Octavius; 23 September 63Ā BC – 19 August ADĀ 14), also known as Octavian (Latin: Octavianus), was the founder of the Roman Empire, who reigned as the first Roman emperor from 27Ā BC until his death in ADĀ 14. The reign of Augustus initiated an imperial cult and an era of imperial peace (the Pax Romana or Pax Augusta) in which the Roman world was largely free of armed conflict. The Principate system of government was established during his reign and lasted until the Crisis of the Third Century.

Octavian was born into an equestrian branch of the plebeian gens Octavia. Following the assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BC, Octavian was named in Caesar's will as his adopted son and heir, and inherited Caesar's name, estate, and the loyalty of his legions. He, Mark Antony, and Marcus Lepidus formed the Second Triumvirate to defeat the assassins of Caesar. Following their victory at the Battle of Philippi (42Ā BC), the Triumvirate divided the Roman Republic among themselves and ruled as de facto oligarchs. The Triumvirate was eventually torn apart by the competing ambitions of its members; Lepidus was exiled in 36Ā BC, and Antony was defeated by Octavian's naval commander Marcus Agrippa at the Battle of Actium in 31Ā BC. Antony and his wife Cleopatra, the Ptolemaic queen of Egypt, killed themselves during Octavian's invasion of Egypt, which then became a Roman province.

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Regional hegemony in the context of Tributary system of China

The tributary system of China (simplified Chinese: äø­åŽęœč“”ä½“ē³», traditional Chinese: äø­čÆęœč²¢é«”ē³», pinyin: ZhōnghuĆ” chĆ”ogòng tǐxƬ), or Cefeng system (simplified Chinese: 册封体制; traditional Chinese: 冊封體制; pinyin: CĆØfēng tǐzhƬ) at its height was a network of loose international relations centered around China which facilitated trade and foreign relations by acknowledging China's hegemonic role within a Sinocentric world order. It involved multiple relationships of trade, military force, diplomacy and ritual. The other states had to send a tributary envoy to China on schedule, who would kowtow to the Chinese emperor as a form of tribute, and acknowledge his superiority and precedence. The other countries followed China's formal ritual in order to keep the peace with the more powerful neighbor and be eligible for diplomatic or military help under certain conditions. Political actors within the tributary system were largely autonomous and in almost all cases virtually independent.

Scholars differ on the nature of China's relations with its neighbors in traditional times. Many describe a system that embodied a collection of institutions, social and diplomatic conventions, and institutions that dominated China's contacts with the non-Chinese world for two millennia, until the collapse of the system around the end of the 19th century. Other scholars like Odd Arne Westad see a variety of relationships that differed in character, not an overall "tributary system". They suggest a Sinocentric system, in which Chinese culture was central to the self-identification of many elite groups in the surrounding Asian countries. By the late 19th century, China had become part of a European-style community of sovereign states and established diplomatic relations with other countries in the world following international law. While some scholars have suggested that the tributary system is a model for understanding international relations in East Asia today, other scholars have argued that the concept is misleading about relations in both early modern times and today.

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Regional hegemony in the context of Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict

Iran and Saudi Arabia are engaged in a proxy war over influence in the Middle East and other regions of the Muslim world. The two countries have provided varying degrees of support to opposing sides in nearby conflicts, including the civil wars in Syria and Yemen; and disputes in Bahrain, Lebanon, Qatar, and Iraq. The struggle also extends to disputes or broader competition in other countries globally including in West, North and East Africa, South, Central, Southeast Asia, the Balkans, and the Caucasus.

In what has been described as a new cold war, the conflict is waged on multiple levels over geopolitical, economic, and sectarian influence in pursuit of regional hegemony. The rivalry has drawn comparisons to the dynamics of the Cold War era.

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Regional hegemony in the context of Decline of Spain

The decline of Spain was the gradual process of financial and military exhaustion and attrition suffered by metropolitan Spain throughout the 17th century, in particular when viewed in comparison with ascendant rival powers of France and England. The decline occurred during the reigns of the last kings of Habsburg Spain: Philip III, Philip IV and Charles II. Concurrent with the military and economic issues there was a depopulation in metropolitan Spain. The Spanish decline was a historical process simultaneous to the purported general crisis of the 17th century that swept most of Eurasia, but which was especially serious for Spain.

It was so debilitating that Spain went from being the hegemonic power in Europe, with the largest economy on the continent in the mid-1500s, to becoming a financially exhausted, second-rate power by the end of the 1600s. Contrary to metropolitan Spain there was not an equivalent decline in Spanish America where Spain successfully defended and consolidated its dominions, and both the cities and the general population grew.

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