Modus vivendi in the context of "Habit (biology)"

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⭐ Core Definition: Modus vivendi

Modus vivendi (plural modi vivendi; Latin pronunciation: [ˈmɔ.dʊs wɪˈwɛn.dɪ]) is a Latin phrase that means "mode of living" or "way of life". In international relations, it often is used to mean an arrangement or agreement that allows conflicting parties to coexist in peace. In science, it is used to describe lifestyles.

Modus means "mode", "way", "method", or "manner". Vivendi means "of living". The phrase is often used to describe informal and temporary arrangements in political affairs. For example, if two sides reach a modus vivendi regarding disputed territories, despite political, historical or cultural incompatibilities, an accommodation of their respective differences is established for the sake of contingency.

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Modus vivendi in the context of Epictetus

Epictetus (/ˌɛpɪkˈttəs/, EH-pick-TEE-təss; Ancient Greek: Ἐπίκτητος, Epíktētos; c. 50 – c. 135 AD) was a Greek Stoic philosopher. He was born into slavery at Hierapolis, Phrygia (present-day Pamukkale, in western Turkey) and lived in Rome until his banishment, after which he spent the rest of his life in Nicopolis in northwestern Greece.

Epictetus studied Stoic philosophy under Musonius Rufus and after manumission, his formal emancipation from slavery, he began to teach philosophy. When philosophers were banished from Rome by Emperor Domitian toward the end of the first century, Epictetus founded a school of philosophy in Nicopolis. He taught that philosophy is a way of life and not simply a theoretical discipline. To Epictetus, all external events are beyond our control; he argues that we should accept whatever happens calmly and dispassionately. However, he held that individuals are responsible for their own actions, which they can examine and control through rigorous self-discipline. His teachings were written down and published by his pupil Arrian in his Discourses and Enchiridion. They influenced many later thinkers, including Marcus Aurelius, Pascal, Diderot, Montesquieu, Rabelais, and Samuel Johnson.

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Modus vivendi in the context of Chetniks

The Chetniks, formally the Chetnik Detachments of the Yugoslav Army, and also the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland and informally colloquially the Ravna Gora Movement, was a Yugoslav royalist and Serbian nationalist movement and guerrilla force in Axis-occupied Yugoslavia. Although it was not a homogeneous movement, it was led by Draža Mihailović. While it was anti-Axis in its long-term goals and engaged in marginal resistance activities for limited periods, it also engaged in tactical or selective collaboration with Axis forces for almost all of the war. The Chetnik movement adopted a policy of collaboration with regard to the Axis, and engaged in cooperation to one degree or another by both establishing a modus vivendi and operating as "legalised" auxiliary forces under Axis control. Over a period of time, and in different parts of the country, the movement was progressively drawn into collaboration agreements: first with the puppet Government of National Salvation in the German-occupied territory of Serbia, then with the Italians in occupied Dalmatia and Montenegro, with some of the Ustaše forces in northern Bosnia, and, after the Italian capitulation in September 1943, with the Germans directly.

The Chetniks were active in the uprising in the German-occupied territory of Serbia from July to December 1941. Following the initial success of the uprising, the German occupiers enacted Adolf Hitler's formula for suppressing anti-Nazi resistance in Eastern Europe, a ratio of 100 hostages executed for every German soldier killed and 50 hostages executed for every soldier wounded. In October 1941, German soldiers and Serbian collaborators perpetrated two massacres against civilians in Kraljevo and Kragujevac, with a combined death toll reaching over 4,500 civilians, most of whom were Serbs. This convinced Mihailović that killing German troops would only result in further unnecessary deaths of tens of thousands of Serbs. As a result, he decided to scale back Chetnik guerrilla attacks and wait for an Allied landing in the Balkans. While Chetnik collaboration reached "extensive and systematic" proportions, the Chetniks themselves referred to their policy of collaboration as "using the enemy". The political scientist Sabrina Ramet has observed, "[b]oth the Chetniks' political program and the extent of their collaboration have been amply, even voluminously, documented; it is more than a bit disappointing, thus, that people can still be found who believe that the Chetniks were doing anything besides attempting to realize a vision of an ethnically homogeneous Greater Serbian state, which they intended to advance, in the short run, by a policy of collaboration with the Axis forces".

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Modus vivendi in the context of Treaty of Acroma

The modus vivendi of Acroma was a pair of agreements signed by the Sanūsī Order with Britain and Italy on 16 April 1917 at Acroma (ʿAkrama).

The negotiations that led to the modus vivendi were begun by Idrīs al-Sanūsī soon after he succeeded his uncle at the head of the order in 1917. His cousin, Aḥmad al-Sharīf al-Sanūsī, had instigated an unsuccessful war with Britain with Ottoman and German assistance at the height of the First World War. Idrīs wished to enter into negotiations with Britain, but the British refused to negotiate unless their wartime ally, Italy, was included in the talks. Peace with Italy was more than al-Sharīf could bear and he left Libya for the Ottoman Empire when negotiations were opened.

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Modus vivendi in the context of 1918 Anglo–French Modus Vivendi

The 1918 Anglo–French Modus Vivendi was a modus vivendi agreement signed on 30 September 1918 regarding the creation of the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration in the area of modern-day Syria, Jordan, Israel, Lebanon and Palestine. The agreement was first negotiated on 19 September 1918, and was built on the foundation of the previous Anglo-French agreement relating to the area, known as the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement.

While the agreement was ostensibly focused on the French goal to take responsibility over their allotted areas of responsibility, now under Edmund Allenby’s military command, the British used the agreement to begin the revision of the Sykes-Picot allocations.

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