Clericalism in the context of "Theology of Pope Francis"

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⭐ Core Definition: Clericalism

Clericalism is the application of the formal, church-based leadership or opinion of ordained clergy in matters of the church or in broader political and sociocultural contexts.

Journalist and former priest James Carroll has argued that clericalism was not part of the Gospels. The origins of clericalism are traced to the religious organization of the late Roman Empire, which had converted to Christianity under Constantine the Great. The French politician Léon Gambetta (1838—1882) stated that clericalism was the main opponent in the battle for public freedom from ecclesial power.

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👉 Clericalism in the context of Theology of Pope Francis

Elected on 13 March 2013, Francis was the first member of the Society of Jesus to be appointed pope. He was also the first non-European to hold the office since Gregory III (r. 731–741). Francis described his papal name as pointing to what he wants to emulate in Saint Francis of Assisi: to have a poor church for the poor, to always go out to the margins, and to show concern for the natural environment.

Francis' papal motto, Miserando atque eligendo ("by having mercy and by choosing"), contained a central theme of his papacy, God's mercy, which led to conflict with some Catholics on issues such as the reception of Communion by remarried Catholics. In addressing real-life situations, Francis often appealed directly to his experience, in continuity with his synodal way, which shows a renewed emphasis on listening and dialogue. He also placed greater emphasis on church synods and on widespread consultation and dialogue, thus uplifting the roles of laypersons and of women in the Catholic church and criticizing clericalism.

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Clericalism in the context of White movement

The White movement, also known as the Whites, was one of the main factions of the Russian Civil War of 1917–1922. It was led mainly by the right-wing and conservative officers of the Russian Empire, while the Bolsheviks who led the October Revolution in Russia, also known as the Reds, and their supporters, were regarded as the main enemies of the Whites. It operated as a system of governments and administrations united as the Russian State, which functioned as a military dictatorship throughout the most of its existence, and military formations collectively referred to as the White Army, or the White Guard.

Although the White movement included a variety of political opinions in Russia opposed to the Bolsheviks, from the republican-minded liberals through monarchists to the ultra-nationalist Black Hundreds, and lacked a universally-accepted doctrine, the main force behind the movement were the conservative officers, and the resulting movement shared many traits with widespread right-wing counter-revolutionary movements of the time, namely nationalism, racism, distrust of liberal and democratic politics, clericalism, contempt for the common man and dislike of industrial civilization; in November 1918, the movement united on an authoritarian-right platform around the figure of Alexander Kolchak as its principal leader. It generally defended the order of pre-revolutionary Imperial Russia, although the ideal of the movement was a mythical "Holy Russia", what was a mark of its religious understanding of the world. The positive program of the movement was largely summarized in the slogan of "united and indivisible Russia [ru]" which meant the restoration of imperial state borders, and its denial of the right to self-determination. The Whites are associated with pogroms and antisemitism; while the relations with the Jews featured a certain complexity, the movement was largely antisemitic, with the White generals viewing the Revolution as a result of a Jewish conspiracy. Antisemitism and more broad nationalism and xenophobia of the movement were manifested in the acts of the White Terror, which often targeted non-Russian ethnic groups of the former Russian Empire.

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Clericalism in the context of Young Ireland

Young Ireland (Irish: Éire Óg, IPA: [ˈeːɾʲə ˈoːɡ]) was a political and cultural movement in the 1840s committed to an all-Ireland struggle for independence and democratic reform. Grouped around the Dublin weekly The Nation, it took issue with the compromises and clericalism of the larger national movement, Daniel O'Connell's Repeal Association, from which it seceded in 1847. Despairing, in the face of the Great Famine, of any other course, in 1848 Young Irelanders attempted an insurrection. Following the arrest and the exile of most of their leading figures, the movement split between those who carried the commitment to "physical force" forward into the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and those who sought to build a "League of North and South" linking an independent Irish parliamentary party to tenant agitation for land reform.

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Clericalism in the context of Clerical fascism

Clerical fascism (also clero-fascism or clerico-fascism) is an ideology that combines the political and economic doctrines of fascism with clericalism. The term has been used to describe organizations and movements that combine religious elements with fascism, receive support from religious organizations which espouse sympathy for fascism, or fascist regimes in which clergy play a leading role.

A core distinction separating clerical fascism from other forms of right-wing Catholic politics is that it requires the fascist polity to be subordinated to the moral and social doctrines of the Catholic Church, explicitly affirming the Church's primacy over the state's ideological goals. This differentiates it from movements where Catholic support is merely tactical or secondary.

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Clericalism in the context of Corriere della Sera

Corriere della Sera (Italian: [korˈrjɛːre della ˈseːra]; lit.'Evening Courier') is an Italian daily newspaper published in Milan with an average circulation of 246,278 copies in May 2023. First published on 5 March 1876, Corriere della Sera is one of Italy's oldest newspapers and is Italy's most read newspaper. Its masthead has remained unchanged since its first edition in 1876. It reached a circulation of over 1 million under editor and co-owner Luigi Albertini between 1900 and 1925. He was a strong opponent of socialism, clericalism, and Giovanni Giolitti, who was willing to compromise with those forces during his time as prime minister of Italy. Albertini's opposition to the Italian fascist regime forced the other co-owners to oust him in 1925.

A representative of the moderate bourgeoisie, Corriere della Sera has always been generally considered centre-right-leaning, hosting in its columns liberal and democratic Catholic views. In the 21st century, its main competitors are Rome's la Repubblica and Turin's La Stampa. Until the late 1970s and early 1980s, when the country underwent a nationalization process, Corriere della Sera and La Stampa were not real national daily newspapers, as their geographical area of circulation was mostly limited to Lombardy for Corriere della Sera and Piedmont for La Stampa; thus, both papers shared a readership that was linked to its place of residence and its social class, mostly from the industrialist class and financial circles. Corriere della Sera is considered the Italian national newspaper of record. Corriere della Sera is the "major daily" and one of the main national newspapers in Italy, alongside la Repubblica, La Stampa, Il Sole 24 Ore, and Il Messaggero.

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